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European Crisis: the call sign of humanity

European Crisis: the call sign of humanity
After Greece, Ireland is prescribed a course of great to austerity, which will aggravate poverty and increase unemployment. Portugal, Spain, then Italy and France are threatened. This is not the employees pay the consequences of a crisis caused by an ultra-liberal policy that has long been presented as the only model to be applied. Sign our online petition!

The future of Europe is the business of the European peoples

Humanity is launching this Call, you can sign by going here

"The future of Europe must be the case European peoples and not speculators. The European Union today is plagued by attacks by financial markets, in collusion with the IMF and European institutions. After Greece, Ireland is prescribed a course of great austerity, which will aggravate poverty and increase unemployment. Portugal, Spain, then Italy and France are threatened. No one is immune from this shock therapy, which if not stopped, ruin the idea of Europe itself.

It is not the employees pay the consequences of a crisis caused by ultra-liberal policies that has been presented long as the only model to be applied throughout the EU. Solidarity between the peoples of Europe to thank you for the rating agencies must speak up.

The immediate

- It is essential to create a human development fund social and environmental financed by European Central Bank which encouraged the creation of jobs, development of public services, reducing inequalities in development Within the EU, education environmental innovation. The European Central Bank must be able to assist states in difficulty by allowing them to borrow money creation and by refinancing at rates near zero for initiate meaningful projects and create jobs.

- A tax on capital movements, regularly sought by the European Parliament, would double the budget of the European Union and begin to limit speculation that stifles Europe.

The European Union will emerge from the crisis if it breaks free from the pressure of financial markets and if it is striving to build a social Europe, solidarity and democracy as called for by the European Trade Union Confederation .

To sign this call go here

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Toward the privatization of SS

Toward the privatization of the SS (Médiapart of 11/29/2010) by Ma Hurand, Monday, November 29, 2010

France is on the verge of a very serious reform, one of the heaviest since the Liberation: small steps, without saying, Nicolas Sarkozy is preparing a creeping privatization of Social Security. C'est à la faveur du dossier de la dépendance, présenté comme le grand chantier présidentiel de l'année 2011, que les premiers coups de boutoir seront donnés contre ce système clef de l'Etat providence que les Français perçoivent à juste titre comme leur first and most important social achievements, the pivotal role of our social model.

Nothing is said publicly. In all its official statements, Nicolas Sarkozy swears of his commitment to Social Security, which since its founding in 1945, based on the system of distribution, that is to say about a system of collective solidarity, turning back to the system of individual private insurance.

For decades, the powerful lobby of private insurers dream of tearing down the system. And for the first time a government of François Fillon, is preparing to comply with its requests.

The first to sound the charge was Claude Bebear, the founder of the insurance group Axa, which since 1996 had directed the government of Alain Juppe to move towards "private social security" by issuing a recommendation that this system works the "first honest." "In other words, to kill Social Security", commented at the time the Express.

Then there was a second attack, Denis Kessler (former number two bosses, former president of the French federation of insurance companies and current president of SCOR, a giant reinsurance) which, in a loud statement to the magazine Challenges, October 4 2007 had estimated that the economic policies of Nicolas Sarkozy was less messy as one would think: "The successive announcements of the various reforms by the government may give an impression of patchwork, as they seem varied, all of equal importance, and varying scope: status of the civil service, special retirement plans, Social Security reform, equal representation ... If we look more closely, we find that there is a profound unity in this ambitious program. The list of reforms? It''s simple, take everything that has been established between 1944 and 1952, without exception. It's here. It is now out of 1945, and methodically rid the program of the National Council of Resistance! "

And finally, there was a third assault, the more recent one, May 9, 2010, that of Alain Minc, who suggested, with the arrogance that he knows (see video below cons) that the elderly were too expensive to the community and the need to find new sources of funding. Output that has shocked many in the country, and that has not well understood at the time she was prescient.

But before going further, let us pause a moment on the release of Denis Kessler, partisan call into question the CNR program. Because everything is here! One measure of this famous flagship program (you can read it here), released at the time in the south of France under the title The Happy Days, is to establish "a comprehensive social security to assure all citizens of livelihood in any case they are unable to get it by working with management representatives belonging to interested parties and the state. " And for that commitment as soon as October 4, 1945 an order is made section 1 of which is: "There is established an organization of social security designed to ensure workers and their families against the risks of any kind can reduce or eliminate their earning capacity, to cover the costs of maternity and family responsibilities they bear. "


Pressing the fall of 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy to turn our backs on this legacy, Denis Kessler has certainly been a little too quickly in case, because in the following months, the head of state has not fulfilled his wish . But the leader of the lobby of private insurers did wrong on the calendar. For it is indeed in the sense that the government will now move forward. And this is the difficult issue of addiction that will him provide the pretext. Decrypt because the statements of recent days.

The first to have say on the subject is Nicolas Sarkozy. It was he, during his recent television interview, November 16, which stated that the issue of dependency would be the major project of 2011. And apparently, he spoke in terms that do not warrant any concern. Indicating that government reform would be introduced in the bill funding the Social Security debate in the fall of 2011 in Parliament and would be preceded by a major consultation spanning six months, he has apparently been faithful this tradition embodied by Social Security.

Recalling that in 2040, the population over age 60 will have grown by 30% or 50%, the president spoke of the need to reach a "fair system" for a older person where "it is on the territory can live with dignity at home or in a house (...) We will settle the issue of dependency (...) and respond to the anguish of people".

What wrong with that?

France is on the verge of a very serious reform, one of the heaviest since the Liberation: small steps, without saying, Nicolas Sarkozy is preparing a creeping privatization of Social Security. It is in the favor of the record of addiction, presented as the major project of the presidential year 2011 as the first battering against this system will be given key of the welfare state that the French see as rightfully their first and most important social achievements, the pivotal role of our social model.
Nothing is said publicly. In all its official statements, Nicolas Sarkozy swears of his commitment to Social Security, which since its founding in 1945, based on the system of distribution, that is to say, on a collective and united with his back to the system of individual private insurance. For decades, the powerful lobby of private insurers dream of tearing down the system. And for the first time a government of François Fillon, is preparing to comply with its requests.

The first to sound the charge was Claude Bebear, founder of the insurance group Axa, which since 1996 had directed the government of Alain Juppe to move towards "private social security" by issuing the recommendation this system to work the "first honest." "In other words, to kill Social Security", commented at the time the Express.

Then there was a second attack, Denis Kessler (former number two bosses, former president of the French federation of insurance companies and current president of SCOR, a giant reinsurance) which, in a loud statement to the magazine Challenges, October 4, 2007, had estimated that the economic policies of Nicolas Sarkozy was less messy as one would think: "The successive announcements of the various reforms by the government may give an impression of patchwork, as they seem varied of unequal size, variety and scope: status of the civil service, special retirement plans, Social Security reform, equal representation ... If we look more closely, we find that there is a profound unity in this ambitious program. The list of reforms? It''s simple, take everything that has been established between 1944 and 1952, without exception. It's here. He is now out of 1945, and methodically rid the program of the National Council of Resistance! "


And finally, there was a third assault, the more recent one, May 9, 2010, that of Alain Minc, who suggested, with the morgue that he knows (see video below cons), the elderly were too expensive to the community and the need to find new sources of funding. Output that has shocked many in the country, and that has not well understood at the time she was prescient.


But before going further, let us pause a moment on the release of Denis Kessler, an advocate of questioning the CNR program. Because everything is here! One measure of this famous flagship program, broadcast at the time in the south of France under the title The Happy Days, is to establish "a comprehensive security plan social, to assure all citizens of livelihood in any case they are unable to get it by working with management belonging to the representatives of stakeholders and the state. " And for that commitment as soon as October 4, 1945 an order is made section 1 of which is: "There is established an organization of social security designed to ensure workers and their families against the risks of any nature can reduce or eliminate their earning capacity, to cover the costs of maternity and family responsibilities they bear. "


pressing Fall 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy to turn our backs on this legacy, Denis Kessler has certainly been a little too quickly in case, because in the following months, the head of state has not fulfilled his wish. But the leader of the lobby of private insurers did wrong on the calendar. For it is indeed in the sense that the government will now move forward. And this is the difficult issue of dependency that it will provide the pretext. Decrypt because the statements of recent days.

The first to have say on the subject is Nicolas Sarkozy. It was he, during his recent television interview, November 16, which indicated that the record dependence would be the major project of 2011. And apparently, he spoke in terms that do not warrant any concern. Indicating that government reform would be introduced in the bill funding the Social Security debate in the fall of 2011 in Parliament and would be preceded by a major consultation spanning six months, he has apparently been faithful this tradition embodied by Social Security.
Recalling that in 2040, the population over age 60 will have grown by 30% or 50%, the president spoke of the need to reach a "fair system and fair "for an older person where" it is in the area can live in dignity at home or in a house (...) We will settle the issue of addiction (...) and respond to the anguish of people ". What wrong with that?

A generous welfare for the rich to the poor reduced

Stressing that "there is 250,000 people per year more victims of Alzheimer's in France, he said his ambition was to resolve the" question of place the elderly in society, "the question of the dignity of the elderly, a population whose age increases, and children who are destitute "against the dependence of their aging parents.

better than that! The Head of State also made this clarification, which may seem the ultimate lifting concerns: that reform should lead to creation this fall of "a new risk, a new branch of social security, dependency alongside the four existing branches that are illness, family, retirement and work accidents. Clearly, the purpose suggested that this new venture which will explode in future years will not be the pretext for circumventing the Social Security. "I want to create for the first time since the release of a new venture, a new branch of social security: The Fifth Risk", said Nicolas Sarkozy.

Only here! After those assurances, the head of state has also slipped, as if nothing had happened, other remarks that have made little noise. This has been cleverly said, in the form of questions. But it still deserves attention. "Should we make insurance system? Forcing people to make sure? Should we increase the CSG? Must have recourse to the estate when the children were unwilling or can not afford? "The

factly, amongst other tracks, Nicolas Sarkozy raises the question:" Should we make insurance system? "Clearly, he must get out of Social Security to cover this risk by private insurers? The head of state did not answer his own questions, he just suggested that all avenues were open.

But in fact we will soon see that these questions are at the heart of presidential language elements, so to say, that the Executive has developed to prepare minds to a creeping privatization of Social Security.

Listen Indeed, that said, a few days later, on November 24, Francois Fillon, when the National Assembly to decide its policy statement (which can be read here in its entirety): "With the employment, safeguard and modernization of our social welfare system imposed on us. We started with the pension reform. With Xavier Bertrand and Roselyne Bachelot, we will continue. We must not drift accounts of health insurance by demagoguery. We can not shirk our responsibility on this issue collectively. We will launch a national dialogue on social protection that will involve all actors, social partners, health professionals, mutual insurance companies, local authorities, foremost of these councils. "

And he adds:" This national goal will obviously immediately to address the issue of addiction. The cost is estimated at 22 billion euros and is expected to reach 30 billion within the next few years. The number of people over age 75 will double over the next decades. It will first determine the real needs of people, to consider how to maintain homes of the elderly as long as possible. It will then classify the track financing: compulsory or voluntary, collective or individual? "

must therefore weigh every word again. For asking questions similar to those of the Head of State - "compulsory or voluntary, collective or individual?" - François Fillon breaks a taboo: preparing, too, the spirits that Social Security is more natural shield that protects the French a major risk with its usual sources of funding (social security contributions or CSG), and that private insurers can get their hands on this attractive and huge market. Clearly, forward to a system of social protection at two speeds, with an extensive welfare system open to the wealthy who have the means to secure and a system for the poorest governed by solidarity, but not covering more all the risks!

other words, the old rich are protected, but not the poor old man!
Advocacy of the UMP for the lobby of private insurance

In this communication plan is finally the Minister of Solidarity, Roselyne Bachelot, who in an interview with Le Figaro, November 26, sounded the last charge dated cons of Social Security: "Legislation must be passed in autumn 2011 under the draft law on financing of Social Security in 2012. But we are not starting from scratch! Several reports, including the last, Valérie Rosso-Debord, raise issues and solutions that can be considered. Moreover, the dependency is already 22 billion euros, of which 5 billion funded departments and 17 billion by the state mainly through Social Security. The debate will also refine future needs, which are currently estimated at 30 billion euros. "

Question of Figaro," What do you think of the possible establishment of a private insurance? "The minister's response:" I do not even speak. The coming debate will also be a discussion of awareness for our citizens. The French will talk about what they consider to be the best solution. What could be the share of insurance in relation to solidarity? How to organize their articulation? "Again, therefore, even subliminal message, that of the transgression: do not exclude anything, especially not the use of private insurance ...

The message is also not even subliminal, it is explicit. For Roselyne Bachelot said that a report raises "issues and solutions that may be considered "one member of the UMP-Valérie Rosso Debord. However, this report has been submitted to the National Assembly last June in the framework of a reflection on addiction, to decode the project head of state and government, because everything is said with far fewer words carefully. This report is this:

The interest of this report is the first that presents challenges of this new venture that appears, that of dependence, given demographic trends, longer continuous life expectancy and thus the aging of the population, and the extension of certain diseases such as Alzheimer's.

A three French will be over 60 years in 2050, against nearly one in five today, and over 15% of the population will be aged over 75 years. "The number of people aged sixty or over is projected to increase by nearly 50% from today, the largest increase occurring in the 2030s. Consequently, nearly one in three would have more than sixty years against nearly one in five in 2010 and one in four in 2020, "the report said.

If we accept today the award criteria of the custom Help autonomy, which was founded in 2000 by Lionel Jospin, who is currently one of the available public assistance to dependent elderly, the number of beneficiaries would increase from about 700,000 in 2002 to 1,600,000 in 2040 . Clearly, the number of dependent elderly people should experience an average increase of 1% per year until 2040. Hence, all expenses included, the assessment of the cost of term dependence advanced by Roselyne Bachelot: 30 billion euros!

But beyond this, the report of the UMP member retains the attention mostly for tracks that sulphurous advance. First, the report argues (page 64) that "we are not at all in the context of the creation of our welfare system." And in support of this assertion, the report calls for the rescue, not Denis Kessler, but the late President of the Court of Auditors, Philippe Seguin, who had once pleaded in the same direction, arguing that "a side, we face an explosion of spending, on the other, globalization makes the burden of social mortgage for the competitiveness of our country. "

The report therefore makes a passionate plea in favor of the action (here we go !)... to insurance private.

It's like a running fire, which continues page after page.

"In fact, the number of French who have made long term care insurance increases every year and now represents nearly five million people have joined through a mutual or pension fund (three million persons) or insurance companies (two million), placing our country in second place in industrialized countries, "reads as follows (page 86).

This remark is followed by a footnote on page that says: "The French federation of insurance companies were 2,007,600 insured paying 387.6 million euros in contributions (under a contract for which the dependence is the main security) and paid 112.4 million euros in cash in 2008. In 2009, 2,024,200 insured paying 403.1 million euros in contributions, while 127.7 million euros in cash were served. "
Working in tandem brothers
Sarkozy And all this leads to (page 87), what is the heart of the report, which could be entitled "Down the Safely! Long live the lobby of the private insurance! ..
We read indeed that "Insurance companies, now having twenty years of experience in risk management dependence, feel they have sufficiently defined the statistical risk - 15% will become addicted to a generation reaching the age of 65 and 60% of a generation up to 90 years - to offer contracts providing monthly pensions averaging 1,000 euros per month for monthly contributions amounting to 30 euros for a sixty-year and 21 euros a person for forty years. The mission proposes to make compulsory from fifty years subscription to a personal insurance against loss of autonomy to the institution of their choice labeled: insurance, company pension or insurance company. "

At least things are said bluntly. This suggests that in fact, as in the case of pension reform, the choices are already made, even before a pseudo dialogue begins. And the report says (page 88): "The mutual provident societies and insurance companies should provide phased support for all people affected by a loss of independence whatever the duration of their insurance within the base for the guaranteed minimum level of dependency that is theirs. To this end, the mission proposes that these institutions provide and manage a fund financed by a percentage levied on each assessment, they will define the amount in common. "

In summary, the report examines two main proposals:" Make it compulsory from the age of fifty years, the purchase of an insurance loss of autonomy due to age and ensure its universality progressive pooling of contributions and the creation of a guarantee fund. Maintain a transitional care service. "

So indeed a creeping privatization of Social Security in the making. And privatization, unlike what one might think, not only about this new risk of addiction. Like a virus, the transfer to private insurance may spread throughout the system: that is what was understood by private insurers, who are preparing for a real "big bang" of Social Security. This virus and how privatization could it spread from the fifth to the four previous risk? Impossible, you will think, the Elysee can certainly play into the hands of insurers for addiction, but no one is going to take the risk of dynamiting the whole Social Security.

Well yes! The danger is there: the dependence may be the Trojan horse of insurers to enter the system of social security coverage, hitherto vested in Social Security.

Brothers Sarkozy

To understand the hocus-pocus, just peel the proposed joint venture entered into by the National Provident Fund (NOC, a company indirectly controlled by the state) and the financial group Malakoff Mederic, which specializes in the supplementary pension and whose boss is a ... Guillaume Sarkozy, the brother of head of state (see our investigations Pension Reform: Round brothers Sarkozy, Retirement: the joint venture brothers Sarkozy against the PAYG), the Bank of France has just block temporarily (see our article Retirement: The Bank of France blocks the joint venture brothers Sarkozy).


If this project is dangerous is because it rests on the assumption that the pension division, those of Social Security, will be used over the years to retirees pensions increasingly weak and that private insurers will offer a highly profitable.
The end of "Happy Days"
In this document, it is indeed well explained that the replacement rate (the amount of the pension as a percentage of what the salary) will increasingly decline " By 2020, the report Steering Committee (COR), a lower replacement rate of around 8% is expected for a full career. This decline is however variable depending on the level of salary and career profile and depends heavily on assumptions made in the work of the NRC. "And the conspirators would rub their hands in advance:" An additional 40 billion annual savings 110 billion euros in 2020 would be required to maintain the living standards of future retirees. "

But if you read this document, it says more than that ... Not only private insurers will be able to get their hands on the risk of retirement, but in fact they play cleverly, they will also be able to become major players in the entire system of social protection, providing individual insurance or roofing systems business, which in fact cover all risks: that of the supplementary pension but also dependence.

Somehow, insurers and private groups supplementary pension have understood, Guillaume Sarkozy on first, they will be able to offer the same token, under individual contracts or business contracts, "packages "Private insurance covering addiction as well as the supplementary pension. It is very well detailed in this project NOC-Médéric particularly pages 9, 13, 21 and 25.
The delisting of drugs the government is accelerating since 2007 at the same time allow themselves to insurers to include in their "package" offers which will also cover the risk of illness, less well covered by Social Security.

The hypocrisy of Nicolas Sarkozy is complete, since a group-owned, CNP, concluded with the blessing of an agreement with Elysium ... his brother, Guillaume Sarkozy, to preempt the market now attractive retirement and dependency. Somehow, it's a matter of Family: Nicolas Sarkozy will open to private insurers the risks previously insured by Social Security, and his brother, with the backing of the NPC and therefore the state, which will be one of the best-placed to pick up the . This is confirmed on the website of Malakoff Médéric: Guillaume Sarkozy put on big addiction.

many associations, which included a tour of monte getting ready, so have recently said their outrage. You can find here on this website, a selection of their responses, which express a common anger. Like the Association of paralyzed France, all these associations say their radical opposition an "insurance system that excludes the public the most fragile." But

left everyone there understands the tremendous challenges of the reform is happening, which goes far beyond the single issue of addiction? To read the same report on this mission dependency, one can expect, as in the appendix, we find the comments of various members of this mission. Including observations of the socialist deputy in the Charente, Martine Pinville, who commenting on the proposal to introduce a compulsory insurance system, made the warning (page 111):
"I think the question of financing support dependence must be understood as falling within the scope of social protection and thus of national solidarity. In this regard, during our discussions in the mission, we had considered, in common, some time, creating a foundation of national solidarity, supplemented by an insurance scheme. However, the final solution is not to create a device of insurance. It may lead to lack of insurance from some people. How can we then take charge of their situation? I think it is necessary to consider that. "

Clearly, the member does not exclude a socialist system mixed with a base covered by Social Security, "complemented by an insurance." But perhaps she commits herself. It is in any case wish.

For it is indeed a very serious reform that is emerging: the dynamiting of the central pivot of the French social model. Somehow the end of "Happy Days" ...

Pharmaceutical Calculationshoward Ansel

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Pokemon Heart Gold Fix Freeze

Ten untruths on pensions / ATTAC-Copernicus Foundation

1) The average age of retirement is 61.5 years, delay the age of retirement would change nothing.

The average age of "retirement" is that which is asserting its right to a pension. What is important is the age of retirement. The average age of cessation of employment is 58.8 years, and six out of ten employees are out (unemployment, disability, inactivity or exemption from seeking employment) at the time to liquidate their retirement. Very often, employees who have had a short career and / or struck, especially women, liquidate their retirement at age 65 to qualify for a full pension with no discount, even though they are already off the market work. Postpone the legal retirement age beyond 60 years would have two consequences: the systems of unemployment or early retirement will have to pay more that the pension fund systems and less, and in parallel, the time off work before the age of retirement will lengthen for many, with trivial or no resources. The age of the full rate (65 years) will be postponed accordingly, meaning that a growing proportion of employee-es will reduce its flights to reach the new terminal have a pension or amputated by the discount.

2) Life expectancy increases, it is normal to work longer.

Increasing life expectancy is not new, it has not prevented the time spent working in a parallel decrease in life. In addition, life expectancy in "good health", that is to say without disabilities is much lower than life expectancy. Any retirement late hampers so significant the time employees have to really enjoy their retirement. Finally, young people increasingly come later in life and many employees, mostly women, have careers and staple already unable to meet the number of years required, even though the companies rid of older employees. Increasing the contribution period or delaying the legal age of retirement would have a significant impact on the wind retirement and would in practice by a reduced pension for the greatest number.

3) Young could not fund the pensions of future retirees, it is necessary that they work longer.

For that young people can pay the pensions of retirees, they need not be unemployed and therefore older employees leave their place on the labor market to new generations. Postponing the age of retirement is to prefer maintaining youth unemployment rather than pay pensions. The PAYG is based on an implicit contract: the generation working has benefited from the work of the previous generation it supports pensions. The retirement comes, it will be supported in turn. Thus, each generation standing on the shoulders of the previous and the creation of wealth is shared between workers and retirees. Intergenerational contract is what the government and employers are trying to destroy, in wishing to work longer, the younger generations.

4) The PAYG system will no longer be able to guarantee decent pensions for younger generations, they must already be guard by constituting an additional pension private savings.

If we find it possible to complete the assessments for the public distribution system by payments into a private savings, what then prevents an increase in contributions and ensure a better retirement system with the division?

5) Civil servants are privileged

The level of pensions is equivalent in the private and the public: on average 1625 euros per month in the private, 1593 euros in public service. The calculation of retirement is different in the private and the public, but this leads to a similar result. In the private sector, it is calculated on the best 25 years and premiums are taken into account. In the audience, it is the salary of the last 6 months, but the premiums are not taken into account and the supplementary pension is not the same level as in the private sector.

6) There will be too many retirees and not enough assets

Population projections are not scientific facts and are based on assumptions about several factors (fertility, unemployment, participation rates of men and women , etc..). Already, recent years, projections have varied widely. Thus, in the late 1990s, all official reports predicted a bust. It did not happen. Until recently, the same report provided a breakdown of the workforce in the future. The latest forecast by INSEE are now reflecting an increase in the labor force until 2015 and then stabilized thereafter. In addition, the assumptions on the workforce are very pessimistic, if not regressive: in fact there is no reason to project, in the range of 25 to 45 years, an employment rate of women less than 15 points to men except renounce any policy aimed at equality between women and men. Large leeway yet exist in this area, and an employment level equal between men and women means that we would find the same ratio of pensioners to active until 1970, so without any degradation.

7) We can not fund the pensions

Unless you order the impoverishment of retirees, it is normal to cover social needs related to the increase in their share of the population through increased levies on the wealth produced. The pension fund deficits are mainly due to the stubborn refusal to do so. Yet the need for additional funding for pensions is feasible since it was encrypted by the NRC in 2007 between 1 and 2 points of GDP by 2050, compared with the fall in the share of payroll by 8 points in recent decades and with the corresponding explosion of dividends, which increased from 3.2% of GDP in 1982 to 8.5% in 2007. It is therefore fair to increase the share of wages and pensions in the wealth produced by addressing the profits. Pension funding is possible as long as end the current division of shameless wealth for the benefit of financial returns. It is this sharing that is taboo to blow, not the retirement age. This is a political choice of justice and solidarity.

8) The solution to finance pensions of increasing employer contributions would be detrimental to business competitiveness.

Different scenarios were studied, with the assumption on which the NRC is working with a productivity gain of 1.5% per year. One scenario is that it establishes quite possible to guarantee both the maintenance of the replacement rate (average pension / average wage) and an increase identical purchasing power of pensioners and workers (1, 2% / year, up slightly less than that of productivity ) by a 6-point increase employer contributions between 2009 and 2050: the increase would not affect the sacrosanct business competitiveness, since this scenario is done by taking the assumption of maintaining its current level from payroll (salaries and fees) in value added and thus no impact on costs. This scenario, although not more favorable to the employee-es and retirees as it assumes that the share of the payroll remains at its current level which is historically low, making it totally inoperative the only argument against the MEDEF premium increases. A more favorable scenario for employees and retirees is one that allows the share of payroll increases by cutting taxes on dividends, which leaves unchanged the cost of labor.

9) To fund the pensions, it takes a productivist growth

Basing pension funding on the sharing of productivity gains do not mean that we put on a strong economic growth. Whatever the future productivity gains, they will be shared between the living standards of all actives and retirees, meeting new social needs and the reduction of working time.

10) family devices that benefit women are contrary to the equality between men and women.

These are overwhelmingly women who take care of children and household management. As a result, they are penalized in their careers, they are interrupted or working part time. Even incorporating these devices family, their retirement is on average 40% lower than men. They are still essential to reduce pension inequalities between women and men. However, European Community law shall promptly questioned the existence of such devices. This is an inconsistency, since also recognizes the concept of indirect discrimination, that is to say, the legitimacy to give a special advantage since it reduces social inequality or gender. It is impossible to claim the principle of equality to increase inequality.

ATTAC-Copernicus Foundation



http://www.fondation-copernic.org/spip.php?article314

Your The Cheese To My Macaronicut Sayings

Retirement: Direct Expression the CGT posted November 16, 2010 on France

Direct expression of the CGT posted November 16, 2010 on France 2http: / / www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xwR0JYlhQA
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0xwR0JYlhQA% 5B% 2F% 2F% 5B% 5D% 5D% 5D% 5B% 2F% 2F% 5B% 5D
www.youtube.com

Red Dot On End Of Nose What Is It

urgent referendum on pensions

Subject: Urgent pensions



Article 11 of the Constitution has been revised In 2008, there are ways

compel the President of the Republic to propose a referendum

on pensions, provided that the referendum proposed by 1 / 5

parliamentarians themselves supported by 1 / 10 of the voters (us).

4.4 million signatures: the mobilization makes the goal easy!

For the record, although the pension reform should be adopted by

the Senate and National Assembly, all is not lost, the law can not

not be applied. There is still time to make every effort to

oppose the pension reform.




Here is the link to sign this appeal:

http://www.referendumretraites.org/


1/10th of voters, that's the world! To our keyboards! Send this link to everyone we know, on every list we have, to snowball.


I join the demand for a referendum on
pension reform:
I sign


The initial call for a referendum on the pension reform initiated by the weekly
Politis

October 12, more than three and a half million of our fellow citizens were in the streets to say no to a pension reform that promises to strike hard employees, and primarily women and workers. This reform, unfair and cynical, has been no genuine negotiations with unions. It is imposed by one man, who at all costs, applies a command of the MEDEF, in defiance of popular mobilization, in defiance of national representation, deprived of any debate worthy of the name, and in defiance of his own campaign promise Do not touch the retirement age. Conversely, he wants to reverse a reform adopted by the people in favor of a leftward shift in 1981. Thus, without any consideration for the most elementary rules of democracy, that Nicolas Sarkozy wants to impose on our country an unprecedented social regression since the Liberation.

Faced with this denial of justice and democracy in the face of this political coup, and even though seven trade union confederations have said September 9 that "the vote of this project is no longer relevant, the undersigned vote in accordance with Article 11 of the Constitution for an immediate halt to the procedure of adoption of this bill and call a referendum on it. They hear and force the president to open a debate that has continued to hinder and promote its citizens' ownership to a social choice informed and transparent. They call, in the same movement, the pursuit of popular mobilization, and after October 16.

How Long Do Leptospirosis Side Effects Last?

MEDEF working hard

The Constitutional Council has just render a favorable opinion on the law extending the age of retirement, and the movement of social revolt was barely lukewarm, the MEDEF quietly off again to the assault the "solidarity pact" inherited in 1945. The employers' organization has quietly posted on 26 October, a report by the Institute Montaigne advancing "15 proposals for the employment of youth and senior citizens. The Institut Montaigne? It is a think tank created in 2000 by Claude Bebear, former CEO of Axa. This "think tank" expresses "devoid of any partisan attachment. But it is funded by eighty large companies, including Areva, Barclays, BNP Paribas, Bolloré, Bouygues, Dassault, Ernst & Young, LVMH, Sanofi-Aventis, SFR, Total, Vinci, Veolia ... Structures absolutely not "partisan" and are careful not to exert any influence on policy and direction of interest.

What's there in that report? This observation may be broadly shared. The employment rate for people under 25 years and more than 55 years remains in France, desperately low. Young people know a precarious "alarming." Nearly one in five lives below the poverty line. One in three landed a first job after more than two and a half years of endless research. Opportunities for access to vocational training for over 40 years are largely unknown and inadequate. During a career, the "glass ceiling" is virtually unbreakable for those who have not had the opportunity nor the ways to integrate the French system of very large schools. "The generation gap has now opened up between the" Baby Boomers ", who receive a pension the longest in the world, and" unemployment generation "born in the 1980s", asserts the Institut Montaigne. It is undeniable.

the past let us clean slate

But who is responsible for this depressing picture? Large companies, on the one hand, improperly use internships, and other get rid of their employees over age 55 at the any chance? No. Social and tax exemptions - 172 billion euros in 2010! - Including the CAC 40 companies use and abuse without creating jobs (at the expense of SMEs, they have created jobs despite the crisis) [1]? Either. Discrimination faced by young people, graduates or not, from many neighborhoods? Not at all. The near absence of representation of the new generations in the democratic national bodies (only 4% of French MPs are under 40 years ...)? No.

The culprit is the "solidarity pact" made implemented at the end of the Second World War. Fact: Social Security, unemployment insurance, retirement division, the week of 40 hours, the creation of minimum wage, some form of social democracy ... All this should not be renovated, improved, made more fair. For the Institut Montaigne, the pact "not only no longer contributes to ensuring social cohesion but the threat. Dangerously. "Several obstacles inherited from the bygone era and impeding the work must be removed. And they are many.

Transforming CDI CSD

The sacrosanct Commission first. For many people it is synonymous with a minimum of stability and security in this deregulated world. A young person who picks up the sesame can finally throw beyond a few months, consider looking for housing for example, or a few personal projects dreaming. For the Institut Montaigne, the CDI is instead a synonym for "inappropriate rigidity. It is therefore proposed to make it more "flexible" (proposal No. 9). Basically, to make a CSD - the latter would be removed - without the bonus. This contract will allow more flexibility for employers to unilaterally change the nature of the position, duties, compensation or working hours. The business could dismiss an employee after a mission so-called indeterminate ... And, without financial compensation.

"Currently, it is not possible to break a CDI for a reason other than economic," says the Institute. That the comfort is quite feasible, must still pay the statutory compensation under the Labour Code or the collective agreement. All these horrors in the eyes of the authors of the report, which threaten social cohesion: "France is illustrated by a special labor law binding, which creates secure threshold effects for those on the right side of the fence. " Conclusion: let everyone go on the wrong side in the name of fairness.

Side wages, experts of the Institut Montaigne is not "it's fair to lower the salary." Phew! It is almost assured. But the respite is brief: "The continued rise of salaries throughout the professional career", because of seniority, is a hindrance to "the attractiveness of senior citizens." Failing to lower wages, how not to increase ? Very simple. It is proposed to generalize, for "management positions, variable remuneration, which would complement a fixed salary (Proposal No. 6). It's called individual premiums, the operation is often discretionary. And we know the adverse consequences that might arise from such individualized premiums based solely set quantitative targets, in call centers, for example: lower quality for quantity, forced sales or abuse, a competitive permanent teams, submission to the superior, stress, discomfort ... Generalize this system, it promises!

44 years of contributions

is far from everything. The institute calls for outright deletion of the statutory age of retirement (proposal No. 14). And elongation at 44 years, by 2020, the contribution period for a full pension (currently set at 41 years from 2012). The report also recommends that the penalty - the discount - applied to the pensions of employees who have not contributed enough or heavy, rising to 7% per year. Currently, the loss is 1.25% to 2.5% per year of contribution missing (making it already one of the largest discounts in Europe). In short, to the laboratory of ideas, "choose the output torque of life according to his needs and within your means", it means working 44 years in CSD with permanent salaries vary widely.

For retirement, such as education, are considered downtime. The think-tank suggests developing "employability throughout life." Alternating work and learning must become more widespread in secondary and higher education (proposals 1 and 2). That students learn history more useful skills for shareholders, rather than knowledge not really profitable in the short term, and likely to sharpen critical thinking.

Students apprentices would be paid with "real wage part-time" without that we know what to researchers at the institute, is a "real wages" (a minimum wage? A salary of the Director of the Institut Montaigne?). In parallel, the training levy paid by companies should be deleted, but the state is invited to pay an allowance of 300 euros per month to complete the "real wages" of students apprentices. Or how to turn 2.2 million students in low labor cost in the name of the fight against unemployment, and expense ...

The heavy silence of the Institut Montaigne (and the MEDEF )

Leaders Think Tank providing use a "method of analysis and rigorous research and critical." However, their research spend several facts in silence. If the "solidarity pact" that has ensured the prosperity of France for half a century has, according to them, transformed into a major threat, it would be mainly due to demography: "The problem is that this model is now facing a demographic situation radically different from that which he was born," "assets" - 41% of the population - supporting the "double burden of studies and pensions. Exit the issue of sharing wealth.

The European Commission and INSEE, the share of wages in value added - the wealth created - companies dropped significantly in thirty years [2]. This means an average wage level remains low (less than 1,500 euros net for workers and employees) and tens of thousands of jobs not created for the benefit of a better return on capital. If wage increases linked to seniority as a brake, that is not the case of a continuing rise in dividends paid to shareholders (196 billion euros in dividends in 2007 against 40 billion in 1993). Moreover, the Institut Montaigne did not speak. In the 110-page report, the word "shareholder" does not exist. Other

silence devices tax exemptions - unevenly - companies. "In total, the exceptions applicable tax and social business, broadly defined, represent more than 172 billion euros in 2010, leading to the recent report of the Council of taxation. Seventeen times the current deficit of pension funds! The number of these devices increased from 44 in 2005 to 64 in 2010. Several of them are supposed to have been established to promote, directly or indirectly creating employment. Strangely, the Institut Montaigne derives no balance.

When work comes down to employability

Stranger still, these many findings in the report - and essential to explain the current situation - not lead to any proposal. The Institute regrets and a certain distrust of the young and the elderly with regard to the work. The first did not do their priority, the latter do anything to get out as soon as they are entitled. "The significant deterioration of working conditions, lack of recognition and consideration, the loss of a good and friendly atmosphere generated by the particular race for profitability and performance, the physical and psychological stress, finally strong incentives to end the occupation accounted for most of this phenomenon of premature exit from the workplace, "explains the report. Then, nothing. As if learning, work contracts more flexible and longer contribution period would solve this problem yet central. No questioning the functioning of enterprises. Do not bite the hand that feeds you.

For the authors of the MEDEF, the worsening of discomfort at work may be due, too, the "solidarity pact" of 1945. Would not this archaic social security too easy for employees to report sick or suffering an accident at work, which blocks an unduly workstation? We suggest a 16th proposal: Social Security permanently delete!

of Ivan and Nadia Roy Jabali

http://www.bastamag.net/

Free Kates Playground'

Fall 2010: Anatomy of a great social movement

An analysis of the movement that we have lived together for another hot, very interesting, and Karel Béroud Sophie Yon sociologists, also available on the website below. To begin to learn from this conflict. Posted on
/ Setback / ( http://www.contretemps.eu )


Fall 2010: Anatomy of a great social movement

Political scientists, and Karel Beroud Sophie Yon analyze hot in this interview, the great social movement of the fall of 2010. They describe the main features of these protests, the way they relate to a process of transformation of the field to organize and link the policy questions put to the agenda by these weeks of struggles.



* ContreTemps - The movement against pension reform launched last spring is part of a line of great social conflict ... *

The power of conflict, its political content and even the drama of the massive opposition street in power help take this forward as a moment of acute class struggle in France.



He enrolled first, of course, in direct descent movements of 1995 and 2003, which saw hundreds of thousands of workers into the streets and some areas to strike on the same theme : opposition to pension reform, the special schemes in 1995, the General Plan in 2003. The pension issue is still producing great social conflicts. This is indeed an element that played a central role both in stabilizing the condition of wage that the anchor / via / their participation in the management of the institutions of wage labor, the power of unions.

For its duration, the magnitude of events, by the almost total blocking of certain sectors, this movement also features comparable to other large sequences of social conflict. It falls in line with the social conflicts of the fall of 1995, but the winter of 1986 because of its dynamic and progressive enlargement of the support he received in the population. The mobilization of employees has grown to a part of youth, with the students and to a much lesser extent students. In 1986 and 1995, the momentum was reversed, however: the mobilization of educated youth had prefigured those of employees. Spring 2006 also is the fear of a massive influx of workers in a dispute centered on the educational world who had led the President of the Republic to give in on the CPE. The role played by the united front of trade unions of course remember this mobilization against the CPE in 2006, but also that of 2009 against the crisis.



Finally, there is a direct link with the previous sequence Spring 2009, the movement has certainly built on the challenge of pension reform, but it was irrigated at the same time by a much broader rejection of the policy Sarko. From this point of view, the political content of the current mobilization is much more explicit, tangible example in 2003, even though Jacques Chirac had been elected, by default, against Jean-Marie Le Pen. The dimension of political crisis is undeniably stronger, which explains the items marked with May-June 1968. It results from a delegitimization significant political power, which was particularly highlighted by two events: the case
Woerth-Bettencourt, and construction of a "Roma problem" with the government, this second event which was widely interpreted as an outrageous diversion intended to distract the first.
deeper level, it should be noted that this movement is part of the sequence after the spring 2009, marked by large protests against the crisis. The combination of these elements creates a deep sense of injustice. The image of a governing power for the business community, which always invites the same has to make sacrifices imposed. Summarized the contradictions in the personality of Sarkozy, who is wanted at the same time herald the purchasing power and President "bling-bling" - the "Chairman of the rich," as they say Pinçon - erupted on the occasion of this conflict.



* CTPS - This mobilization seems, indeed, stand out sharply previous mobilizations. First, perhaps, the sustainability of the Inter. How do you analyze the tactics of association: the current situation it is the logical consequence given the attitude of power, or is it rather the continuation of a process opened whose evolution has largely overtaken the union leadership? To what extent, especially in the case of the CGT, it is important to bear in mind the contradictions within the organization to understand the attitude of the leadership in the movement? What are the challenges that face today is that Inter structure and what role can it play again? *



It has emerged that at the Inter-movement against the First Job Contract, but it is especially the protests against the crisis which gave it its legitimacy. This is a novelty in the trade union landscape French, marked by organizational rivalries, to see become permanent structure that recognizes the pluralism of the union movement - including up to its components usually kept separate - while trying to build consistency.


One can even note that the movement was not scored until the passage of the law in all cases by a disconnect between the union teams at the bottom and directions federal or confederal. This was the case in 2009, which were particularly intense debate across the CGT and Solidarity about a framework Inter accused of having exhausted the motion for lack of alternative strategy to action days
"leapfrog." This year, the gradual movement and the success he has continued to meet in terms of participation, have not placed teams in the position of militant confrontation with their own organization. We are very far from a configuration like that of 1986 when the coordinations
appeared as an indispensable tool for activists to control their struggles.


The fact that the framework of the Inter is little dispute that does not say he does not criticized. The action days have seemed too far apart at first, the call for renewed strike in all sectors has never been formulated and is to claim the opening of negotiations, a further reform, has prevented the Agreement on the slogan of the clear withdrawal of the bill.
But the momentum created by the Inter and the fact that nothing has replaced it has reinforced the central role of unions. It could have been a citizen movement from committees on TCE unit as such. However, the unit committees for retirement at age 60, who initially helped plow the field of ideology, were quickly eclipsed by the union mobilization and failed to develop in connection therewith. The acceptance of pluralism options unions, and the choice made by Solidarity on one side and FOR, CGC and UNSA the other, to assume their public disagreements on various occasions, enabled by the Inter- present itself as a democratic framework. It is not a staff union right thing in excluding dissenting opinions, but a coordinating framework which internal diversity resonates with the plurality of options to which employees are confronted
locally. In this way, the Inter herself as a flexible framework that did not preclude other forms of action, more radical, since they were decided locally. But the logic of the frame prevented him from being the resonance of these strategies. We saw in the attitude of the Inter-face with the dynamics of radicalization - anchor the strike in some areas, and blocking actions
clashes margins events schoolgirls. If the press release dated October 21 refers to the responsibility of the union movement, supported by public opinion and "/ respect for people and property /" no explicit support is given to the ongoing strike, as if these latter had no place in this framework.

The line is so thin and now we are entering a phase that is perceived as the decline of the movement, it is clear that we could soon know the dynamics of disagreements regarding the disposition of the action. The link between employees and union teams mobilized locally with spokesperson National Union is strictly representative.
control over national policy is returned to democratic mechanisms internal to each organization. CGT officials have invested much time in the manufacture of "shared choices" in the confederation, through meetings such federations, but also territorial unions throughout the movement.



What is clear is that the forms taken by the recent mobilizations presented the unions at the center of the game, and that the framework of the Inter contributed significantly to this. Two major facts explain the phenomenon of the Inter: reform of trade union representation unfolding since 2008 and the strategic reorientation of the CGT, which began in the 1990s.



By making union representation a right ascending and scalable, which is gained from the results obtained in the elections business, the 2008 reform has made obsolete the border was between the five confederations benefiting from a representative "irrefutable" - CGT, CFDT, FOR, CFTC, CGC -
to other organizations - UNSA, Partners, FSU. We'll know in 2013 what organizations are nationally representative cross.
Meanwhile, there is no issue of more or less open or close the game This flattening of the conditions of competition association is already evident in access to industrial tribunals Partners subsidies or certain instances of " social dialogue "as the guidance of economic, social and environmental national and regional. The dead seizes the living in 2009 and is under rationalities earlier it became possible to integrate the trade union organizations
"non-representative "In Inter. Recent - FSU, Solidarity, the UNSA - were themselves anxious not to cut the unitary framework. In 2010, we are witnessing a reconfiguration: the field can not be shared between more representative organizations and non-representative, but between dominant and dominated the game in union. The change of approach is integrated and representativeness of trade unions dominated agree more freedom,
it can become a distinctive. You see it especially with FP, whose position is destabilized by the reform - which ends with the image of the 'three great confederations "- But who has the means to hold an independent position. Solidarity has been well allow himself more freedom in deciding to sign an ad hoc declarations of the Inter.



But for the Inter exists, it was also the dominant trade union organizations in the field agree. The CFDT, after the traumatic episode of 2003, had every interest in preventing the rider alone. But it is undeniably the CGT that is more proactive with this unified framework. She entered into effect in the strategic perspective of what its leaders call "trade unionism together "since now the late 1990s.
is the choice of a unitary framework inclusive, but the preferred axis based on the relationship with its main rival, the CFDT.
This strategy seems to bear fruit here, with an intrinsic fragility of course linked to the positioning of the CFDT. Somewhere, the bet made by the leadership of the CGT seems won the posture of open, calling for negotiation, to blame for the radicalization of the movement in government and
"win public opinion public "that allow employees 'actors' determine their own ways to enter the movement
and their modes of action, that of building on an inter including organizations like the CFDT, CFTC and CFE-CGC. This bet also seems well under way towards the process of unionization: the CGT
teams are pursuing, in different sectors of the private sector, a big job of distributing pamphlets and making contacts with workers in firms without union presence. Résultatsconcrets the awareness of this work will see many around participation in events with a permanent renewal of the procession (from the perspective of businesses, but also single demonstrators younger, the number of women who follow the banners
CGT). Similarly, the Solidarity marches, including Paris, are impressive for what they say about this ability to attract supporters, employees not necessarily organized. Something is trying to play without one can be certain that this leads to much really on the union and the creation of new bases union sustainable.


If the strength of the movement strengthens the leadership of the CGT in its choices - and reinforces it with probably a large part of its members - nor does it diminish the ambiguity of the latter. The idea that c'estaux employees to decide for themselves, by democratic practices - size is actually very important - also masks a form of withdrawal union: we do not want this to be the teams most militant, those ready to enter into renewed strike, to block the production apparatus that carry the movement to further expand it, to touch other employees. The view
means, but it does not invalidate the question of building a power real. One can legitimately wonder what would have been the movement without blocking refineries! The idea of speaking in priority to public opinion in a report most often uncritically to this concept and survey instruments, is a strange
internalization of the structural weakness of French trade unionism. Public opinion is entered as a float and this leads to oust a speech that would build on an analysis in terms of social classes. It is important to discover as an end decisive image of unionism among the population, this good image - the union interlocuteursocial a legitimate, accountable - is posited as a condition of membership pourgagner. But in contrast, this discourse leads to flee
any projection where it would be too political to say 'we' mobilized to represent the wage raised against the policy in favor of the ruling classes.

Given these two points, it does not appear that the union leaders "have been caught short." Inter part they are not imposed by the database, it is they who created it and who impose it as a condition / sine qua non / Success any mobilization. In contrast, the massive participation of employees - that is to say, as the magnitude of the challenge of government and politics
conducted by N. Sarkozy - has served the Inter allowing it to overcome its internal tensions, its structural weakness due to deep differences exist within the arc union, Solidarity of the CFE-CGC. Whether it was possible to do something else with this exceptional potential challenge refers to an important debate, but this debate has not really taken because of the mobilization. CTPS-

* Another highlight is that, unlike large mobilizations of the past two decades, the locomotive's movement does not come this time or education or transport - although strikes were in these two important sectors, but private sector employees with refineries. Why is that? More broadly, how do you analyze, at the sectoral level, the diversity of the dynamics of current mobilization and the relationship between workers struggles and struggles of youth? *

Due to the increased presence on, in the strikes of public employees who have nevertheless been the main drivers of interprofessional struggles since 1995 (SNCF and Education, but The Post, EDF-GDF ...), this movement has rather taken the configuration of mass demonstrations with a strong presence of public employees but also employees of multiple companies private, combined with movements of strikes - some minority - in different sectors: school lunches, road transport, conveyors background, garbage collection, and of course ...

refineries must consider both the conditions that have affected the mobilization of sectors traditionally most mobilized, and those who favored the emergence of new fronts of mobilization. Side barriers the mobilization of railway or teachers, can be easily found: in the failure of their previous mobilizations! Since 2003, these two sectors have been the spearhead of
many struggles that have led to overall failure. This explains both the difficulty of mobilizing largely employees of these sectors and the persistence of a protest led by a minority of radicalized: the low rate of strikers and their persistence over time. More broadly, we must not forget that the economic and symbolic impact of a shutdown of urban and rail transport was significantly diminished with the Act of August 21, 2007
the minimum service. If union activists manage to subvert / via / rotating strikes in particular, new constraints on the requirement of continuity of public service, this device, with the individual obligation to declare themselves on strike 48 hours in advance, n 'in no less anticipated effects in terms of additional obstacles to collective action.

It has been of this view as a surprise to see the refinery employees - and to a lesser extent, road hauliers - take over the railway and drivers bus. If the tip of the mobilization was this year, which is rare in the private sector, however, this is an area that the conditions and remuneration for work closer to public enterprises. In addition, the role played by refineries is certainly to be sought in the specific dynamics of this sector, where's the threat of deindustrialization again, with the relocation of the refinery as close as oil extraction activities. The struggle to maintain the Total refinery at Dunkirk, in the first half of 2010, was a repetition of allowing employees
to experience the effectiveness of some modes of action. It should probably also take into account issues internal to the CGT, the federation of chemical industries is among the critics of the line of "unionism together."


Similarly, we should note the territorial roots mobilizations, as illustrated by the strength and range of motion and to Marseille in the Bouches du Rhone. The fact that there are renewable strikes launched in early October in the Monoprix can not be understood without reference to a much greater participation and Regular private sector workers in Marseille during the mobilizations of 2003
2006 or 2009. Marseille configuration refers to both the employment situation, history and local social activist work done over the years towards the unemployed and precarious.

In the commentary of an article we had published previously on
setback
[1], about the spring 2009 mobilizations against the crisis, a visitor suggested an hypothesis. Mobilisations against the attack would have been a turning point in the forms of mobilization. We pass movements driven by the sectors in struggle, often public sector, forms of mobilization more heterogeneous, more structured on a territorial level, involving more private sector companies ... prohibiting in all cases to believe the dynamics of mobilization as the result of the action of a professional sector is placing the forefront. This consideration is relevant in the context of strategic thinking guided by the goal of "All Together". It refers to a balance that fluctuates between public and private sectors: the power of the public is started, new forces are emerging in private, sometimes from the public, and insecurity is spreading everywhere. It is the renewal of the wage and
managerial policies that erode professional cultures and activists, who were often intertwined ... This reflection invites to rethink the dynamics of mobilization, and in particular to overcome the opposition between supporters of the general strike and Supporters of events on Saturday to reflect on the articulation of these forms of action, trying to return the obstacle
increasing heterogeneity of the workforce into an asset (see writes
to this topic Philippe Corcuff in Mediapart < http://www.mediapart.fr/club/blog/philippe-corcuff/181010/pour-une-guerilla-sociale-durable-et-pacifique >

[2]) . The reality of the labor movement today, however, is marked by the absence of such strategic thinking. If we can rationally consider that only a dynamic generalization of the movement, locking strength of the economy would roll back the government, a majority of unionists start today of the principle, or that such dynamics can not , either because it does
undesirable.



* CTPS-This movement shows again a phenomenon often seen as a paradox: on one side, the mobilization is extremely strong considering participation in the demonstrations and the credits the popularity polls, including in its hardening; other hand, strikes renewable, have not really taken. This type of phenomenon had already been discussed in 1995 with the idea of
`* / strike * proxy */*», this logic is explicit when refinery employees reported in struggle: "* * One blocks for those who can not strike * /
< http://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/161010/raffineries-bloque-pour-ceux-qui-ne-peuvent-pas- make-strike >

[3] * ". This time, however, multiple blocking actions (roads, fuel flow, waste ..) implemented by inter-group seems to outline a new model is on strike if it can, it is seen to participate in the demonstrations but the inscription in the mobilization also involves a search for tangible economic effects .. This dynamic is reminiscent of the crucial role of roadblocks in the piqueteros struggle in Argentina in 2002-2003 or even more in the cycle of mobilisations in the first half of the 2000s preceded the accession to power of Evo Morales of the MAS in Bolivia .. In short, the deterioration of the position of number of employees at their place of work would thus be to render extremely difficult to generalize strikes but, cons, it could give way to greater diversity of expression of
conflict which does not exclude the process of radicalization. What do you think such a reading? And if we follow it, to what extent can we consider that this mobilization would mark the entrance, for France in a new model of great social conflict? *



Spring 2003 was marked by attempts made by teachers to bring their fight to the private sector employees. The CPE, in 2006, had scored more clearly will this junction between the world of education in the broadest sense and the "world wage" (of course, education is also a world of work!), Through the organization The general meeting inter-but also through many actions
punch, all at once meant hitting opinion and may impede the normal functioning of the economy. We find these forms today, and what might be interesting is to see that the logic of actions punch, block, initially mainly driven by fringes
most radical, is now widely adopted in organizations
unions themselves. The diffusion of these practices, because it engages various stakeholders, embodies the shift of a collective identity which "strikes by proxy" is another symptom. This phenomenon was particularly visible during the movement, with a multitude of support spontaneous support of the strikers, the proliferation of strike funds and actions of solidarity, residents, citizens, teachers. Some media, like
Mediapart, played an important role in building this solidarity movement
. The procession of events, if
structured by union representatives, has been rather heterogeneous. The alignment of private and public liabilities erased in 1993. The movement against the CPE has now revealed the close interweaving between the world of work and that of the school. Movement has developed a consciousness of its own legitimacy that allowed him not to fall into the trap of stigma thugs. Much
elements contributing to the reconstruction of a common identity.

But we think it would be wrong to overstate the novelty of an engagement model which, in fact, imply that the former are exceeded. It is first very risky to go beyond the formal analogies with Latin America where social structures are very different. For example, the phenomenon of Argentina / piqueteros / her private nature of movement jobs, its territorial inscription refers to a liquidation of state institutions and welfare of wage
incommensurate with that familiar "old Europe".
In addition, the "old" industrial dispute, based on the strike and the company as a battlefield, remains central. The latest developments illustrate the movement: the resumption of work in the refineries was seen as the end of the mobilization. The registry of the strike remains central to anchor the action in the duration of blockages andTHE choice "outside" is often a sign of weakness on the possibilities to influence from within companies.

Rather than mobilization model, it would probably be happier to understand these phenomena with the more flexible notion of "collective action repertoires < http://www.vacarme.org/article1261.html > [4 ]. " There are definitely new forms of mobilization
referring to the transformations of capitalism and the organization of work. In a world of wage increasingly fragmented, where the collective work is now less unified by its spatial concentration as shaped by a set of flows - of workers, products, Communications - leblocage stocks of goods, industrial hubs or routes of trade is a means to the employees and really influence the functioning of the economy. Undeniably, the action repertoire is enriched, because the records of collective action to adjust modes of domination. But behind the image of capitalism in the network, we are seeing in companies in financial concentration phenomena (creation of ever larger groups) and strategic re-centralization of power - that N. Lichtenstein describes through the managerial model of Wal-Mart. If firms are increasingly interdependent, it is unclear whether this
interdependence will result in a dilution of power.

In addition, a significant risk weights, which was particularly visibledans movements academics, the CPE to the LRU: the practice of blocking and escape out of the workplace (or school employee) can lead to forward flight, digging the gap between the sectors most radicalized and the largest number less involved.

Finally, if we must emphasize new developments it should mention other elements, such as the use of suffrage: the mobilisationcollective sometimes strike, have relied on the use of urns
presented as a guarantee of democratic transparency. This demonstrates interesting fluctuations in the labor movement, as to the legitimate views and practices of democracy working. When organizations CGT offer the secret ballot, it is far from an element (the show of hands by those engaged in the fight) that has long been seen as identity: he had also been at principle of separation of FOR
when insurgent strikes of 1947! Long Indeed, the use of secret vote was denounced as a corrupt demobilization, tearing the community mobilized in favor of individual rationality.

But these developments also refers to how democratic practices are invested and implemented by individuals who no longer have the same political socialization. The student assemblies in the CPE were places of intense debate, particularly on the organization votes on the conditions of legitimacy of these blocks over. From another perspective, the organizing
a citizen referendum on the future of the Post or to request a referendum on the EDF are seen as ways to expand beyond the mobilization of employees of these companies, involve the population based on the status of user. Such actions illustrate again the recomposition of a repertoire of action that involves both the traditional trade union registers while drawing inspiration from other movements (think the feminist movement or the rights of immigrants for use of ballot boxes and ballots citizens).


* CTPS - This movement is a mobilization on the pension reform.
But it's probably much more than that: the question of retirement seems to have been taken as a * / * casus belli * / * to reject more widely, power and politics. How do you approach this aspect of systemic movement and what are its implications, the victory can not be political? *

Without necessarily having any hierarchy between them, it seems possible to list a number of points, partially embedded, to consider the political dimension:

1 - The undisputed centrality of trade union organizations in the movement went hand in hand with low visibility of opposition parties. The PS was displayed against the reform conducted by the Fillon government, but shares the liberal economic assumptions. To the left of the left, the various organizations
rather preferred their own appearance in the course of the movement at the expense of a common policy response: it is far different from the loose coordination of which we spoke with Inter (not to idealize as this one!). It is the division that prevails, so that the parties have not been capable of being the catalyst for a fed that actually exceeds the case of pensions, which refers to a sense of immorality and illegitimacy of power, violence and injustice of its policies.

2 - But the unions do not play this role more because they do not wish to endorse most of them.
Already in 2009, Bernard Thibault insisted that the city was not a strategy Guadeloupe and type LKP would be a mistake. In fact, it is clear that the institutionalization of the field labor in France is reflected in how actors perceive their ability and legitimacy of action by accepting a partitioning hard spheres between associative and political union. Register argument that implement the dominant organizations in the field is the union of social dialogue. They do not envisage the construction of a wide forehead, socio-cultural challenge to the widest possible power because they consider that it is not their role.

3 - From this point of view, the issue of pensions from the myth reveals that structures the discourse on social dialogue, social democracy could flourish quietly, with its rules and its own temporality, to away from democracy policy. The idea of subordination granted the players union and political power has shown its practical implications: a government that forgets, when he decreed
the urgency of reform, any prior negotiation procedure. In the end, no union official has also agreed to s'autodésarmer assuming that once the law passed, the challenge was to leave the field of the street. Only uneminorité organizations maintained that speech (UNSA, CFE-CGC), maistout remaining within the framework of the Inter.

4 - If the unions accept today a share of political responsibility, it is often transformed the mode of expertise. He is convinced of the credibility of sespropositions, arguing points on internal reform commedans the case of the CFDT, or by offering, as do the CGT, FSU and Solidarity another reform, in line with economists and organizations such as ATTAC. This is obviously an extremely valuable since it arms trade unionism, allows a certain degree to be heard in the media and creates linkages with other sectors. But for this technical realism does not lose sight of its strategic objectives, it has yet to articulate a thought "hot", to values, the practical affirmation of the vision of the world as a real project would safeguard pensions
division.

5 - This leads to a final point of reflection: the best projects around the world have no meaning unless they are underpinned by popular enthusiasm, if they do not index themselves with images of the company wanted, they are not part of a collective history.
The movement can be an opportunity for union officials to be aware of this responsibility their responsibility and refers to more great moments of the labor movement - when the proposals of trade unions irrigate the policy debate, CGT planning for the 1930 nationalization and social security to the liberation to socialism
self-management in 1970s. While the left is sluggish and divided, it is possible that significant fractions of the labor movement are a catalyst to develop a real agenda of social transformation. A development that does not result from "hearing" of trade unions by political leaders, but a autonomous dynamics for trade unionists to build lasting relationships with each other and everyone, citizens, associations, social movements that helped feed the dispute in recent weeks.

Such a process would require to put in place structures / ad hoc / as naturally as part of the Inter, whose interest is not at issue, is another function. Between holding an Inter by consensus and the war of all against tousque engage organizations facing the conquest of their representation in companies, there is an intermediate space to occupy, that of a cooperative development strategy. About

reccueillir by Cédric Durand



* Interventions < http://www.contretemps.eu/interventions >

--------------------- -------------------------------------------------- -
* Source URL: *
http://www.contretemps.eu/interventions/automne-2010-anatomie-dun-grand-mouvement-social

* Links: *
[1]
http://www . contretemps.eu /../../../../../../ interventions / face-crisis-that-does-union movement
[2]
http://www.mediapart .fr/club/blog/philippe-corcuff/181010/pour-une-guerilla-sociale-durable-et-pacifique
[3]
http://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/161010/raffineries-bloque-pour-ceux-qui-ne-peuvent-pas-faire-greve
[4] http: / / www.vacarme.org/article1261.html

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How to give body to the social and ecological transformation? Sarkozy

For a post-capitalist front that makes common cause by 2012

By Clementine Autain, director of the monthly Regards and member of the Federation for an alternative social and ecological Patrick Braouezec, deputy of Seine-Saint-Denis, Communist unitary Chaibi Leila, a member of the Call and the deck and the NPA.

The social movement against pension has borrowed all previous mobilizations. He recalls 1968, Winter 1995, opposition to the European Constitutional Treaty, the CPE. Amid frustration with a straight adamant he held with trade union unity and support of public opinion. This movement has attempted to thwart the opposition between generations, between the public and private sectors. It gathered in demonstrations and strikes, the diversity in the workplace, youth, unemployed and pensioners. This chemistry could be the result of a predetermined plan. She says the real state of the country, concerns and expectations.

This mobilization has crystallized on issues that go beyond the strict issue of pensions. What was it about? Labor, sharing of wealth, life time. A considerable part of employees, well beyond those trades objectively the most painful, expressed his dissatisfaction with his work. Stress, loss of meaning, difficulty completing the objectives are not the only batch of employees of France Telecom. The insecurity has become a reality for a share of more and more important among us. The refusal of an unjust and unequal society was clearly expressed. The slogan "I class struggle", passed overwhelmingly in the street, said the search for a new relationship between the personal and collective emancipation.

call demonstrators and strikers is clear indications to define the priorities of a leftist politics that do not go near him: loosening the constraints of finance aboveground production and relocate, invent a new status employee who objects to the precariousness of life and provides new ambitions for social protection, reverse the unbearable intensification of work and reallocate a share of productivity gains to the enrichment of human labor; fight against inequality through redistribution of wealth, particularly for utilities and suburbs; invent a new approach to time life, childhood, youth, retirement and old age, etc.. The crisis of legitimacy of governments in power also indicates the urgency to change the rules of the game a constituent process must allow a consolidation of our democratic process.

experience exploitation often separated the world of workers, employees of the executive and that of manual workers, the employee status to that of the unemployed. The extreme diversity of Living and Working in the way, for thirty years, building a shared emancipatory project. The left has lost touch with the most precarious world of work. In this crisis, we see the emergence of a new alliance between the various components of the people, united by the experience of job insecurity and unemployment, by demands on labor and longer life.

This opens new unit under construction new political horizons. If we understand what has just left to express millions of demonstrators, there is hope. But for this it should definitely get rid of our tinsel and dare a new democratic age. If the left of the left grabs, so she can have the audacity expected: the audacity of a project to break with the existing order, and which speaks of the contemporary world, the audacity of a renovation forms of action, the only way to initiate a momentum for change. From the experience of the Left Front, which brings together three organizations to identities and histories different policies (PCF, the Left Party, United Left) and by reviving the hopes raised with the birth of the NPA and Fase, can we build a new force, combining all inclusive commitments, as at the time of the Popular Front or in the battle against the European Constitutional Treaty? You must. This is vital, so it should be possible. Inclusive, the arc forces decided to confront the capitalist logic and to give substance to the ecological and social transformation must make common cause, and this, in 2012, for the presidential and parliamentary elections. A large proportion of people who take to the streets expects us to this convergence and an overhaul ideological, strategic and organizational.

Clementine Autain, Patrick Braouezec, Leila Chaibi

http://www.humanite.fr/15_11_2010-pour-un-front-postcapitaliste-qui-fasse-cause-commune-d% C3% A8s-2012-457800

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